Information Gap

Whether applying for a PAN card, passport, birth and death certificate or a ration card, when it comes to the procedures laid down by the government, there is little clarity. In fact, it could be considered unique in its opaqueness.

For an ordinary citizen looking to get a basic identification card, the government’s initiatives to provide the required procedural information has been very limited, in some cases, virtual gobbledygook.

Not unnaturally, the tendency is to approach someone you know who has ‘been through the grind’ or has ‘the right contacts’, two catchwords of utmost significance to the scheme of things.

However, for those who do not fall in the social circle of well-placed officials, the poor state of citizen-government interface makes dealing with government procedures an absolute nightmare.

WikifyIndia, a website started by two Bangalore-based 29-year-olds, aims at making citizens’ dealings with collecting information on government procedures simpler and convenient.

Developed on the Wikipedia model, the idea behind this non-profit initiative is to help the man on the road who often suffers due to inadequate information in a system that is full of complex procedures.

Agents and middlemen are known to frequently distort information to suit themselves. The presence of such touts promising to get work ‘done’ not just breeds corruption, it also alienates the individual in question from the actual process. These so called facilitators thrive on the absence of government steps to inform citizens about these procedures.

Says Shailesh Gandhi, Information Commissioner, “The principal problem when it comes to official procedures is that the government cannot deliver. For an average citizen, the experience of visiting a government department is distasteful, leaving him filled with anger and frustration. There is no denying that there have been forward measures, like the Common Service Centres, but the arrogance among government officials is holding them back. Also, keeping the system of obtaining information on government procedures complex serves in the best interest of officials as it opens a source of additional money and is also more convenient.’’

With unfriendly, if not rude officials, things become even more miserable. These are some of the systemic gaps that WikifyIndia proposes to fill.

WikifyIndia works on the same lines as Wikipedia where anyone can contribute content to the website, making information available to all.

For instance, Brian Fernandes, a tech entrepreneur, shares his expertise on the website. There is a user-friendly platform that enables contributors to add or edit content, without having to secure login IDs.

However, the website clearly spells out that it is not related to Wikipedia. The site is managed by KWID Foundation, a non-profit organisation that uses technology to create social impact at the grassroots level. Apart from running WikifyIndia, the KWID Foundation also brings fresh thinking to socially relevant communication.

Certain crucial questions need to be answered. Does WikifyIndia have adequate information? Wikipedia is a much larger operation than its desi clone and it remains to be seen whether the Indian promoters have adequate resources at their command because the volumes they are dealing with are going to be enormous. Naturally then, when it comes to such a model for information, the concerns over the authenticity of this information cannot be totally ruled out. After all, if Wikipedia can go of the mark, our local product could be if any thing, even more unreliable.

A Wikipedia website works on the principle that more eyeballs would minimise errors. The plus side of this model is that wherever possible, the volunteers refer to the authenticity of the content to official websites. Can WikifyIndia replicate such a model?

The onerous task at hand for WikifyIndia is to make citizen-government interactions quick and simple. However, in the long run, the focus should be on creating an environment that begins to influence processes as well.

Points out Pratyush Sinha, former Chief Vigilance Commissioner (CVC), “The delivery of public service is critical for any successful form of governance. However, the government-citizen interface has been a problem area. To my mind, the form of this interface also decides the extent of corruption in these procedures. So, the solution to my mind is that the interface needs to be streamlined. This can be done through simplifying structures and cutting down on extent of public contact through optimum use of technology.”

While no official reaction was elicited from the company itself - its spokespersons deciding to remain surprisingly tight lipped given the magnitude and sensitivity of the task they have at hand - the whole process will be a time consuming one.

Considering that owners Sohel and Anish aim to keep the site free of commercial considerations, sustaining the website for long could also be a challenge. As for future plans, the owners of WikifyIndia want to take this information offline.

This would include placing well-designed multi-lingual posters in government offices or directly engaging with the government by simplifying forms and procedures.

The website will also have additional features to improve user experience. There are also plans to get the site translated into a number of vernacular languages by volunteers and is also looking at possibilities for adding voice capabilities to leverage on the huge mobile penetration.

The wave of activism in the anti-corruption and governance space could prove to a big help, if handled efficiently. However, the authenticity of information on the website and the number of authentic well-intentioned and motivated volunteers will be crucial to establish the success of the initiative. Does WikifyIndia has what it takes?

It took Just one Report to...

The furore over The Report on Illegal mining in Karnataka, compiled by Lokayukta Santosh Hegde has already compelled Chief Minister B. S. Yeddyurappa to step down from his post; there is more to come.

The recent report submitted to the Karnataka government by Lokayukta Santosh Hegde has translated into the end of Chief Minister B. S. Yeddyurappa’s stint at the coveted post. The voluminous report probing the illegal mining scam in the state, which has charged the CM and Tourism minister G. Janardhana Reddy, goes on to recommend the initiation of criminal proceedings against Yeddyurappa. “I consider it necessary to recommend to the competent authority to take appropriate steps to initiate criminal proceedings against the Chief Minister and such other persons who are involved in the said transaction,” the report states, further calling for the removal of G. Janardhana Reddy from the Cabinet in view of his ‘misconduct’.

The latest development comes with the Supreme Court (SC) suspending all mining activities in Bellary. The 25,228-page report of the Karnataka Lokayukta detailed a web of deceit, including violation of mining and environmental laws, tax evasion and money laundering in international tax havens by the powerful brothers – Tourism Minister G. Janardhan Reddy, Revenue Minister G. Karunakara Reddy and Karnataka Milk Federation Chairman Somashekhar Reddy.

The report compiled by Hegde is based on the investigation report submitted by Chief Conservator of Forests and Head of the Lokayukta investigating team related to illegal mining, Uday Veer Singh, who has made an extensive study and submitted very elaborate report supported by documentary evidence. It is pertinent to note here that Singh, who is also the ex-officio CEO of the Bangalore Lake Development Authority, was attacked in the course of investigation. In an exclusive conversation with B&E just before he demitted office, Justice Hegde pointed out that the element of threat existed, perhaps more than ever. “With the SC having suspended mining in questionable areas, there is still threat and we have enhanced provisions for our security,” Hegde told B&E.

The bigger administrative challenge in Karnataka, however, will be to ensure how the revelations in the Lokayukta report are translated into reforms. “I think reforms are distant. It is because the state government alone cannot make the desired amendments. Much also needs to be done by the Centre,” says Hegde. “Moreover, the current mess of rampant corruption in mining in the state is not because policies are flawed, it is because the existing rules and regulations were given no heed,” Hegde explains, adding, “if the rules would have been followed, 70% of the illegal mining and allied activities would never have taken place.”

As per the report, 29.86 million MT of illicit iron ore, valued at Rs.122.28 billion, was exported between 2006-07 and 2010. The report details the complete breakdown of democratic governance in the Bellary area and uncovers the “zero risk system”, a protection and extortion racket, allegedly masterminded by G. Janardhana Reddy. The report describes the illegal money transfers to foreign companies and tax shelters by mining entities such as Obulapuram Mining Company, Associated Mining Company, GLA Trading and GJR Holdings owned by the Reddy Brothers. Even banks and public sector companies allegedly participated in the loot. NMDC, Adani Enterprise and JSW Steel are some major names in the list. Charges against these companies range from illegal movement of iron ore from mining yard without permits and without paying royalties, forest encroachment, mining lease violations, overloading of trucks and sandry violation, et al.

The extent of the scam is reflected in the findings that iron ore was illegally exported even to China through ports of southern India and payments were made through more than 4,000 banks account. The damage excessive mining has done to the environment has also been huge. The report says there have been severe ecological changes due to illegal mining.

For around five years, the Reddy brothers controlled the administration in impoverished Bellary, even flattened state boundary markers to excavate iron ore, all the way insisting they had no mining interests in Karnataka. Now, the reign of the rulers of the “Republic of Bellary” appears to be at an end. For the BJP though, the bigger challenge will be to keep them as far away from the government as possible.

Food Security Bill – Hope and Despair!

Though The Food Security Bill has been finally approved by a Group of Ministers to be presented before The Parliament, what might finally take shape as The National Food Security Act is being questioned. Will the entire idea of food security for all fructify?

Do you remember the pre-election days in 2009, when there was a lot of talk around ensuring the ‘food for all’ concept doing the rounds? After delays in the process of finalisation of a Food Security Bill for around two years, the government has now finally approved a draft of the proposed legislation to be put before the Parliament for discussion and subsequent approval. But will the expected bold measures effectively address problems causing hunger and starvation deaths? Also, will the bill in actuality ensure food for the most vulnerable classes of the Indian society?

The purpose of the bill, at the time when it was being conceptualised, was backed by the idea of protecting the human right to live in dignity, free of hunger, food insecurity and starvation deaths. The National Advisory Council (NAC), which had taken up the task of preparing a detailed framework on the National Food Security Act (NFSA) and had even come up with some radical measures earlier, now looks willing to compromise on some key fundamental issues. Says John Dreze, Economist and former member of the NAC, “The NAC has proposed a framework for the NFSA. But its potential could be wasted by a flawed approach to the Public Distribution System (PDS).” Dreze has been instrumental in drafting the NAC’s food security bill and the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA). Dreze had quit the NAC soon after the Food Security Bill was formally adopted on June 22, 2011. He left the council formally on grounds that his work had ended with the adoption of the bill and that he saw no reason for his tenure (or that of the NAC members) to be renewed this year.

Yet, Dreze has been critical of the government draft of the Food Security Bill. Dreze fears that en route to meeting the basic requirements for a universalised system of public distribution, the draft may end up depriving people of existing rights on various counts – despite an opportunity created through huge buffer stocks. To that effect, there are a few reasons that could prove to be bottlenecks in the effective implementation of this critical policy. One issue lies with the government’s approach to minimise its own obligations by restricting the number of eligible households and the entitlement. At the Chief Ministers’ Conference in February 2010, the government’s agenda paper gave the total number of APL (above poverty line) and BPL (below poverty line) households across India, covered by the Targeted Public Distribution System (PDS) as 18.03 crore households, which effectively worked out to about 90% of the population based on the projections used by the Central government. However, the worrying factor is that the Bill sets a cap of 75% households in rural India and merely 50% in urban India. What this translates into is that many families holding APL cards would be excluded from the PDS. In this approach, the PDS rests on a three-way division of the population – priority, general and excluded households. Priority households, covering at least 46% of the rural population at the all-India level, are to get 35 kg of grain a month at Antyodaya prices (Rs.3 a kg for rice, Rs.2 for wheat and Re.1 for millets).

General households will get 20 kg at not more than half of the Minimum Support Price. And excluded households, which account for 10% of the rural population, will get nothing. Moreover, the coverage of ‘priority groups’ under the PDS is also restricted to households below the Planning Commission’s strange poverty line of Rs.30 per day.

Then there were also discussions on whether the benefits should be provided through a cash transfer system or subsidies. The Bill now allows the government to introduce a scheme of cash transfers in lieu of entitlements. The PDS in India has been defunct for long now and it is nothing new. However, an independent survey carried out by a group of student volunteers and research scholars, including Dreze, found that the PDS was in the process of recovery. “The issue is that the BPL list is totally defective. In many states, entire communities have been left out. There are massive inclusion errors which have reduced the effectiveness of the PDS as a tool for food security,” a communiqué sent to the PM by this group read, adding, “We support the case for a near universal PDS, whereby all households are entitled to food subsidies unless they meet well defined exclusion criteria.”

This has led to many respondents in the said survey opting for subsidies against the government’s cash transfer proposal. Fear of misuse of cash, traders raising prices if PDS were closed, and bitter experiences of the banking system in the context of NREGA wage payments have also prompted families to support the PDS.

At the heart of the debate is the difference between the Centre and the states, as is the case with most welfare schemes of the government. The Planning Commission’s poverty estimators are just one part of it. More importantly, the Bill ignores the State government’s estimation of BPL families. As opposed to 6.52 crore families recognised by the Central government as being poor, state governments, based on their own estimation, have extended BPL coverage to 11.03 crore households, comprising 56% of the population. The Bill, however, puts a cap on BPL households at 46% in the rural areas and just 28% in the urban areas. The government’s move to free itself of accountability may also become a major area of concern. “Full powers have been given to the Central government, including powers to modify or withdraw most entitlements, and to specify the sharing of costs with the state governments,” a critique of the government draft states. While the entitlements of the priority groups have been moved to a schedule (so that they can be modified at will), the general category, which is only entitled to 3 kg per person per month, is also at risk of losing these entitlements if the Centre wishes. Most of the transparency provisions in the NAC draft have also been excluded from the Bill.

To be fair to NAC, the purpose of the legislation on food security, which was earlier an exclusive premise of the NAC, actually lost its teeth soon after government bodies got involved in the process.

Debates began that unfortunately led to the NAC succumbing to political pressure. The whole case of ensuring ‘food for all’ was lost. However, there are still a few positives that emerge from this forward movement, says senior economic expert Suvrokamal Dutta. “Even if the legislation was to be approved in the current form, something which looks very unlikely, it is a big leap ahead. I agree there is a lot more that is to be done in this front... but target groups need to be clearly defined, and there should be a pan-India survey conducted for this purpose. The targeted PDS could prove as a bottleneck for the government while implementing the NFSA. Still, it is a significant move ahead,” he says.

Expecting NFSA to deliver the originally desired results is being too optimistic. But as said, the fact that there is a definite intent within the government to move along the philosophy of food for all, is itself one of the most noteworthy commitments of the political class.

Still, the politicisation of critical issues and the effects thereon, have started to show already. Just before the beginning of the Monsoon session of the Parliament, Food Minister K. V. Thomas declared that it was unlikely that the Bill would be introduced in the current session, adding that it would now be introduced in the winter session, extending the deadline for its implementation to sometime next year. With food inflation rising worldwide, experts are already worried not only about the delay in the bill, but also the funding required to support the same.

Many state governments will look to sort out their differences with the Bill, which is also set to take time. Even if the government is able to push the Bill through in the winter session, it’s not quite clear right now on how the project could include self-sustainability. In summary, it’s a great promise that has been shown to the Indian populace, yet it’s actual implementation remains a distant dream.

Truth Vs. Statistical Truth

The controversy over NSSO’s self-contradictory unemployment data not only highlights the drawbacks in the survey, but also raises a finger at policymakers who, for the first time, questioned the same.

Soon after the results of the 66th Round of the National Sample Survey Organisation (relating to data collected in FY2009-10) were declared, it became the subject of a huge controversy and debate. In an apparent change in the scheme of affairs, the controversy this time around was spurred not by the usual critics of the government and its statistical system, but from within the government circles itself. Deputy Chairperson of the Planning Commission Montek Singh Ahluwalia slammed the National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO) report for indicating fall in both employment and unemployment rates at the same time. He ended up claiming that there has been a ‘gross misrepresentation’ of the NSSO data. And the whole system, rather than questioning the priors, decided that the data must be wrong, and the NSSO was reprimanded for its ‘faulty’ investigative methods – something that had been accepted without question and with a lot of pride on many occasions in the past decade or so.

The controversy began when the NSSO, in its survey report titled ‘Employment and Unemployment in India’ (which was conducted between July 2009 and June 2010 and included a sample of over 1,00,000 households), found that employment in labour force had fallen from 42% in 2004-05 to 39.2% in 2009-10 and the unemployment rate had fallen from 2.3% to 2% in the same period. What this essentially translated into was that despite more than an average of 8% economic growth during these five years, sufficient jobs had not been created, suggesting that the government’s economic policy was not inclusive. But countering the argument, Ahluwalia pulled up NSSO for the self contradictory figures saying that the data collection methodology used was faulty. Subsequently, Secretary, Ministry of Programme Implementation T. C. Ananth, went on record to admit that the data was ‘confusing’. “Once you break up labour force participation for women, children and subsidiary status it becomes clear that employment has increased,” he clarified, claiming that the computation of the unemployment rate was a problem as it failed to take into account people who may be self employed. But interestingly, the NSSO data also shows a consistent fall in self-employment – an indicator that more jobs were being created because of economic growth.

As amusing as these official interventions may seem, there is no denial in the fact that the results of the latest survey of the NSSO reveal some important shifts in India’s labour markets and the nature of the growth process that determines these changes. Policymakers, who currently choose to stay in denial, need to take note of these trends seriously and analyse them in detail. For instance, there was an addition of 40-45 million people in the age group of 15-59 between 2004-05 and 2009-10 and unemployment rate for that period has fallen from 2.3% to 2% of the labour force. Agrees Pronob Sen, Former Chief Statistician of India, as he explains, “It is because of the fact that the additional people in the working-age population and some past unemployed people were given jobs, the unemployment ratio has come down.”

At the same time, one must also keep in mind the very fact that the unemployment rate (referred to as the Usual Status Activity – USI – in technical jargon) is computed as the number of people in the age group of 15-59 who are willing to work but did not obtain paid employment for at least 180 days during the past 365 days. Going by this, there is possibility that though many got some or other employment failed to qualify the USI norm and was termed as unemployed in the survey. Supporting the view, Sen says, “The USI is a poor indicator of the employment rate, but it is a reliable indicator when it comes to knowing whether workers are finding jobs or not. For instance, between 2004-05 and 2009-10, the working-age population grew by an average of 2% per year, which is about 8-9 million individuals. They all got some jobs, as did few people previously unemployed.”

Adding to these viewpoints, Senior Economic Expert S. K. Dutta says, “The main issue (in relation to the report) is that while determining the actual status of employment, all factors have not been taken into account. It (the survey) should have looked more into the semi-disguised employment sector, the partially employed sector and then the actual scenario could have come out.”

Another problem cited with respect to the ‘faulty’ data collection in the 66th Round is excessive reliance on outsourced contract investigators. This, say highly placed government officials, is not a new problem and has, in fact, been a characteristic that has plagued several recent rounds of the NSSO.

The idea behind the NSSO coming out with such survey results was to assist the policymakers in formulating better and effective policies for the economy. However, recent developments, such as denial in accepting survey findings and completely ignoring the other findings with respect to trends in the labour market, have resulted in a complete shift of focus from more relevant issues in this context. Add to this the jargon and confusion associated with almost all government findings, and things turn out to be even more complicated. This brings us to further question – Is there really a need for such a mammoth exercise? Perhaps, it’s time to ask those who commission such a survey – Do they really plan to show some light to help improve the scenario of unemployment in India or just want the survey to end up being yet another tool to fool the nation?

Metals, Mines and Troubled Minds

After Nearly two years of Discussions and Delays, The revised MMDR Bill is likely to be placed in The Parliament. Will the protesting locals and industry elements finally find peace? Doubts remain.



After several rounds of deliberations, discussions and interactions, a Group of Ministers (GoM) headed by Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee on July 7, 2011, cleared the draft Mines & Minerals (Development & Regulation) Bill. As per government sources privy to the development, the Mines ministry plans to introduce the bill in the Winter session of Parliament. If passed, the new Mines & Mineral Development & Regulation (MMDR) Act will replace the existing MMDR Act, 1957.

As per the Bill recently cleared by the GoM, the Centre and states can levy cess on all minerals – 2.5% of the royalty in case of the Centre and 10% in case of the states. In addition, mining companies will now have to pay four times the money they presently pay to the states as contribution towards sustainable mine closure plans. The 10-member ministerial panel has said that coal miners should pay 26% of their profits, while other mineral mining firms should give an equivalent of 100% of the royalty they pay the government to compensate people displaced by these projects. However, the mining firms want a royalty-based sharing formula wherein they will have to pay only 26% of the royalty equivalent to the displaced. Sources say the proposal will be discussed further.

Miners in India, who have recently come out of a commodity slump have always been wary that the provisions of the new MMDR Bill, if legislated into an act, will spell doom for the Indian mineral resource industry. If it was any indication, shares of mining firms fell sharply after the panel approved the draft mining Bill, indicating a negative sentiment that the proposed provision for profit-sharing would have a negative impact on the companies’ profits. While Coal India fell 8.2%, Jindal Steel and Power declined by 2.5%, Hindustan Zinc and Sesa Goa by 4.2% each, NMDC by 2.5%, SAIL by 3.7% and Tata Steel by 2%, soon after the GoM paved way for the Bill to be put before the Cabinet.

In an important development, the GoM which vetted the draft Bill, has also given its nod for authorising and incentivising state governments to take up “prospecting and exploration, so that adequately prospected ore bodies can be put on bid.” The new Mining bill will empower state governments to hand out leases, take up prospecting and exploration activities before mines and call for bids for commercial utilisation of mineral deposits such as coal and iron ore. If the proposals become law, companies would need to make an annual cash contribution of Rs.100,000 per hectare to the state government over the life of a mine. This amount would go as contribution for implementing the mine closure plan, key for environmental rehabilitation and in providing succour to workers and communities dependent on mining activity for sustenance. Additionally, the Bill also proposes to give the states a free hand to levy cess on both major and minor minerals by a sum not exceeding 10% of the amount of royalty paid by companies for a particular mineral. Several states including West Bengal were already levying cess and local taxes on minerals at differential rates. The Centre had initially challenged the West Bengal’s move to levy state-specific taxes on coal produced in the state, but a few years ago, a Supreme Court ruling had gone in favour of the state. The Centre therefore, does not share coal royalty proceeds with Bengal. It is pertinent to note here that although the royalty on minerals are levied and collected under the central law, the process of appropriation is actually carried out by the states. As per the GoM, the proposed central cess on minerals would be used for better administration of mining activities.

However, if industry analysts are to be believed, the implementation of the proposals of the MMDR Bill could erode profits of metal companies by 4-10% and the impact would be more on companies with more captive coal content. “The MMDR Bill is unfavourable to the metals and mining sector as miners will have to share 26% of their profits. If this happens, miners will lose around Rs.80 billion annually. In the short-to-medium term, the sector’s performance will become bleak due to the monsoons,” says SMC analyst Saurabh Jain. One more factor troubling the sector is the fear of an impending fall in Chinese zinc prices. “It is said that between June and August, smelters will sell stocks and cut output due to a lukewarm demand, which will reduce imports of concentrates,” adds Jain.

While most of the analysts contacted by B&E agreed on this, some also believed that it was too premature to forecast the exact impact on the companies. This line of thought is backed by the fact that there are many changes that are likely to happen after the draft Bill is presented before the Cabinet and Parliament. Also, given the discussions that are likely to be taken up while legislating this Bill, further delay cannot be ruled out.

However, there is a sentiment that in whatever form the Bill eventually becomes a law, the broad impact would eventually be negative for the companies. The passage of the new Bill has been delayed by close to two years now for want of consensus.

Miners, who are still unsure about the quantum of impact the new regulations would have, are scared, as their discussions suggest. They contest that the Indian mining industry is the most heavily taxed industry in the world consisting of various charges/levies under the old MMDR Act, Forest (Conservation) Act 1980, Environment (Protection) Act 1986, Labour Welfare Fund Act / Labour Welfare Cess, Income Tax Act 1961 (direct and indirect taxes) and other local tax as applicable. The present scenario suggests that there is an attempt in the draft MMDR Act, 2010, to make the levies heavier and make the sector appear unattractive to private investors, domestic or foreign. Agrees R.K.Sharma, Secretary General of the Federation of Indian Mineral Industries. “The proposals in the draft Bill will prevent much needed investments from flowing into the mining sector. Overseas companies will not be interested to invest in a highly-regulated and a highly-taxed sector,” he says. Also, the current government regulations permit 100% foreign direct investment (FDI) in most mining activities under the automatic route. However, the actual FDI flows (as per industry reports) have been a meagre $150-200 million. But this has not deterred the government from setting the ambitious target of increasing FDI in the sector to over $20 billion over the next few years. India has 85 billion tonne of mineral reserves, which are yet to be exploited. Encouraging FDI, many feel, can be important for the development of the Indian mining and minerals industry.

Mining and construction equipment industry volume is around 40,000 to 45,000 units per annum, amounting to a turnover of $2.6 billion to $3.1 billion, proving how the Indian industry is still at a nascent stage as compared to the $75 billion global market. Moreover, as per official estimates, out of the 5.75 lakh sq. km available in India with minerals, only 75,000 sq. km have been explored so far.

The government and the Mines ministry are today trying to send encouraging messages to the industry. While speaking to B&E, S.Vijay Kumar, Secretary, Department of Mines, said that mining in India was set to grow in a very different direction from the present times, where there is too much focus on iron ore and bauxite. “We really need to go deeper for rarer minerals. Focus will shift to base metals, non-ferrous metals and diamonds, uranium, nickel et al,” he said, while adding that the ministry also wants to try out the latest in technology with an equally high appetite for risk, while mooting for a scenario free of regulatory hurdles. “It’s my job to help the industry and we will do all we can. We have put in place a regulatory authority for a level playing field. There are time-frames for state governments to dispose applications. We have tried to make everything as efficient as possible, but the industry will have to pay,” he adds.

Battles fought between miners and the people displaced are responsible for the poor scenario of mining in India. While neither the existing government mechanism nor the mining industry has been able to provide any relief to the lives of those affected by earlier projects, there are questions that still remain. Will the new bill be able to resolve these battles? More importantly, looking at the long list of Bills that are set to hit the approaching Parliament session (including the Lokpal), will anything concrete surface?

Living on Presidential lethargy

Inordinate delay in deciding the fate of these mercy petitions raises concerns over the consistency, transparency and the very objective of these procedures. 

 Timely trial. Well, that sounds some sort of an oxymoron in the Indian judicial system. But 25 pending mercy petitions with the President with some since 2003 is certainly more than unbelievable. There is no doubt that the hype that surrounds sentencing of capital punishment to convicts and mercy pleas cause a lot of stress on the President’s ability to take an objective decision under Article 72 of the Constitution that empowers the President of India to grant pardon or commute the sentence of a convict found guilty by court. But holding it for as long as eight years, for sure, sets a bad example for the system as a whole.

Perhaps, this is exactly what the Supreme Court (SC) vacation bench comprising Justices G. S. Singhvi and C. K. Prasad might have felt when it expressed ‘surprise’ over the delay and sought an immediate reply from the Delhi government on the matter. “The counter filed by Delhi Government will clarify as to why the petition for pardon has not been disposed of for last more than eight years,” the SC bench said.

However, the subject of ‘inordinate delay’, which can amount to a ground for Court to commute the death penalty under section 433(a), has some other contours which also deserve ample attention. These include reasons behind what constitutes delay, the impact of delay on the death row convicts, applicability and scope of fundamental rights protection to death row convicts and whether death sentence can be commuted into life on account of delay. The inordinate delay in the execution of the sentence is one circumstance, which has to be taken into account while deciding whether the death sentence ought to be allowed to be executed in a given case.

Without going into the details of how prolonged delay in deciding on a mercy petition could translate for the case and convict in question, former Chief Justice of the Delhi High Court A. P. Shah speaks in favour of timely trials. “There should be no doubt that a reasonably expeditious trial is an integral and essential part of the fundamental right to life and liberty enshrined in Article 21,” Shah told B&E.

The issue has been a matter of debate for quite sometime and the politicisation of the case of Mohammad Afzal, who has been awarded the death sentence in the 2001 Parliament House attack case, only brought matters to fore. A. P. J. Abdul Kalam, as President, received Afzal’s mercy petition on October 4, 2006, and forwarded it to the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) for advice. Since then, the ministry has been examining the petition in consultation with the Government of Delhi. The MHA usually consults the state government concerned before submitting the mercy petition back to the President with its advice. The President’s powers under Article 72 are always exercised with the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers. The delay by the MHA to submit Afzal’s petition to the President with its advice indicates the dilemma the government faces in keeping the issue free of political considerations. Also, the apparent pick and choose policy adopted by the government (which is absolutely contrary to the stand maintained by the MHA) does not speak high volumes of the procedure in place as well. BJP has even termed the delay in deciding Afzal Guru’s petition (despite Guru himself asking for speeding up the process) as Congress party’s strategy to avoid a religious electoral backlash.

Irrespective of the interpretations and conclusions that one might derive in Afzal’s case, it is important that we first look at certain facts. As per information sought from the Government of India under the RTI Act on details of mercy petitions decided by and pending with the President in the last 15 years, the President decided 12 mercy petitions in the past 15 years, with clemency being granted in three cases. As many as 25 petitions, submitted by the MHA with its advice, are pending with the President for a final decision. The MHA is examining three petitions, in consultation with the respective State governments, to prepare its advice for the President’s final decision. Files pertaining to the cases that have already been decided upon reveal that the government has relied upon seven basic grounds for its advice to the President on the merit of each pending mercy petition. The guidelines, which are said to be based on facts, are easily verifiable, and leave the government with little discretion in the matter, include the personality of the convict (such as age, sex, or mental deficiency) or circumstances of the case (such as provocation or similar justification) and whether the court has expressed any doubt on the reliability of evidence but has nevertheless decided on conviction.

However, the absence of a time-bound mechanism to address these issues, which have already been decided upon by the Appellate court, only lends to the stress and pressure that could hamper the eventuality of these crucial decisions. Agrees Information Commissioner Shailesh Gandhi. “Any government procedure, be it for an ordinary ration card or a mercy petition, must be addressed in a time-bound manner. There has to be some time frame. The government needs to address all procedures within its realm with the same standards of governance,” he says, adding, “India always had the option of doing away with capital punishment, which we chose not to. The inordinate delay in deciding the fate of such petitions defeats the purpose of imposing such a severe punishment on perpetrators of heinous crimes”. But under the current environment, Ajmal Kasab, found guilty of the 26/11 attacks in Mumbai that claimed numerous lives, has almost a decade to live before he finally meets his fate. In such a scenario, the huge costs that the government incurs in maintaining such high profile prisoners is another point of deliberation.

While the progress in deciding on mercy petitions means a lot for convicts, the process needs to be immediately segregated from political pressures and other bindings that either cause inordinate delays or affect the usual course of procedure.

UP’s Land Acquisition Policy - Any Surprises?

After rounds of protests by farmers and opposition groups, the ruling UP govt. announced a new Land Acquisition Policy for the state. The improvements as most did not expect, took many by surprise. Is it a beginning-much-needed, or is it just another political gimmick?

Facing flak from the ruling coalition in the Centre over the stand-off between the Noida administration and residents of Bhatta-Parsaul village in Greater Noida, Mayawati, the Chief Minister (CM) of Uttar Pradesh, on June 2, 2011, announced a new policy for land acquisition in the state. Under the newly laid-out policy, all land transactions hereon, will now be struck using a consensual approach. This will happen through a direct dialogue between the private developers and the land owners.

“The role of the government now would be that of a facilitator only, limited to issuing a notification under Section 4 of the Land Acquisition Act, 1894,” said the Chief Minister while briefing the media in Lucknow at a press conference organised to announce the new Land Acquisition Policy of the state. This is the second such policy to be announced by the Mayawati regime in the past nine months. The previous one was declared on September 3, 2010. The new policy will be implemented with prospective effect and will not apply to land acquired during the time period when the previous policy was active. The announcement of the new policy followed a “kisan panchayat” addressed by the Chief Minister. The panchayat was attended by farmers’ representatives from Bharatiya Kisan Union, including its general secretary Rakesh Tikait, and those from Tappal and Bhatta-Parsaul.

According to Mayawati, the new policy had been devised after elaborate discussions with the farmers’ representatives. Describing the new policy, the CM claimed it would be better than the “proposed land acquisition policy of the UPA government”. The Congress, which a few days back had slammed the UP chief minister for alleged atrocities in the process of acquiring land for the Yamuna Expressway project and had spoken volumes against the state’s policy, did not respond to her claims. Mayawati claimed that the issue of land acquisition policy would be raised by the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in the monsoon session of the Lok Sabha and if the Centre’s policy was not announced, the BSP would ‘gherao’ the Parliament.

Voices from the industry have been divided on this issue. The two major industry bodies, Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) and the Confederation of Indian Industries (CII), have expressed dissenting views on the matter. The major point of contention appears on the role of the government. While CII has found support with the National Advisory Council’s (NAC) suggestion that the government should play a prominent role in the process of all land acquisitions, FICCI believes otherwise. Speaking to B&E on the role of the government, Chetan Bijesure, FICCI’s Additional Director, says, “In the case of UP, the role of the government has changed from that of an acquirer to one of a facilitator. We are not saying that the government should be absolved of the entire process. We are advocating a model that ensures better results for farmers as they will have the option to negotiate better rates.” Further, he adds, “The past instances where the state government has acquired land, we have seen the [unsatisfactory] results (in West Bengal, UP, Orissa). Also, the option of the developer meeting the farmer directly reduces the possibility of vested interests influencing the process at any given stage.” B. Muthuraman, President of CII, however had a different explanation for recommending a greater government involvement. As per him, the government cannot absolve its responsibility in land acquisitions. “We are pleased to note that NAC is also of the similar view on this critical issue. The State must fulfil its responsibility for economic development and play a critical role in acquiring land for industrial projects, as planned industrialisation is essential for job creation and inclusive growth,” says Muthuraman.

The mass agitations which had become synonymous with land acquisitions in the state could only be dealt through innovative solutions, and the confidence with which the UP government has doled out the fresh land acquisition policy, is backed by the reforms that it proposes to bring out.

Government sources told B&E that the new policy on land acquisition has broadly been categorised into three parts. The first part deals with direct transfer of land from farmers to private developers, with the state (district administration) merely playing the role of a facilitator. The policy underlines that the compensation package against the acquisition of land will be prepared only after the terms and conditions have been approved by 80% of the farmers or land owners whose land is to be acquired for a particular project. Failure of the private parties to woo 80% of the farmers would result in reconsideration of the project proposal. Additionally, the farmers have been given the option of taking 16% of the land developed for the project along with annuity at the rate of Rs.23,000 per acre for a period of 33 years. The farmers will also have the option for cash component in lieu of a portion of the 16% developed land. Furthermore, farmers who wish to forgo annuity will be entitled to a rehabilitation grant at the rate of Rs.276,000 per acre. [The rehabilitation grant in the September 2010 policy was fixed at Rs.240,000 per acre.

The second part of the policy states that farmers whose agricultural land has been acquired for building state highways and canals will be entitled to all the benefits accruing under the state’s Relief and Rehabilitation (R&R) Policy, 2010. Apart from the rehabilitation grant, 25% shares of the developer company will be allotted to the farmer and one member of each farmer’s family will also be given employment in the company. In the third part of the policy, where land has been acquired by the development authorities under the master plan, the deal will be executed only abiding by the terms of agreement through a consensual approach, sources told B&E. Mayawati’s new land acquisition policy has definitely set a benchmark for the Centre to better (when it brings its bill to the monsoon session of Parliament). The events could also, actually translate into the UPA coming out with a more farmer-friendly Land Acquisition Bill.

An interesting point to note is that while framing the new land acquisition policy (and therefore deciding to remove the government’s role in the acquisition of land for private companies), Mayawati actually took a leaf out of Congress’s very own book. A similar formula stated in the original UPA bill, stated that the state could intervene in the buy out of only 20% of landowners holding, and that too if the private company has reached an agreement with the landowners on the rest 80% first. This was exactly what Congress had originally proposed at the Centre but its ally Trinamool Congress had shot down the Bill.

The Congress government, until now, had been banking on the popularity of the Haryana model to counter criticisms of not having come out with a national policy for acquisition of land yet. But the fact that Mayawati has improved on the ruling party’s formula in Haryana (even bettering the sops that the Haryana government offers to landowners) has made it a tad awkward for the Centre. The additional sops being provided by the UP government include empowering the farmers with an option of reclaiming 16% of the land developed for the project along with annuity, the option for cash component & an entitlement to a ‘rehabilitation grant’ for those who wish to forgo annuity, are some major areas where the UP model has scored over the state land acquisition policies of Haryana and even Gujarat. Though CSR cannot be a legal obligation, the UP government’s new policy has made it part of the package. So, developers will have to build model schools and a ‘kisan bhavans’ in the project area.

Ajit Singh, Chief of the Rashtriya Lok Dal, however, has a different take on the UP initiative. Raising doubts over the CM’s intentions about welfare of farmers, he said that if her concerns were true, all farmers in the state whose lands have been acquired during the last four years should be covered by this new acquisition policy and rehabilitation package. Terming the new land acquisition policy announced by Mayawati “just an eye wash”, Ajit Singh demanded that the effective date should be changed to four years back, the time when the state government had actually started land acquisitions in UP.

This major reform is likely to create quite a flutter at the Centre which is currently learnt to be contemplating options. Seemingly, of all the options that NAC has put forward, the BSP formula (of placing a floor price on acquisition and giving other benefits even as it removes the state’s role from the negotiations over land definitely) sounds a better deal. Senior CPM leader Nilotpal Basu, in converstaion with B&E, had said that there was no visible attempt by the state governments involved to ensure a reasonable rehabilitaion and resettlement policy. “The stand of the party is very clear. We believe that the Act is totally outdated and holds no relevance in today’s scenario. The most important factor is that it does not take into account the views of landowners, their livelihood and other corresponding issues related to land acquisition. As far as the new policy in UP is concerned, we will have to wait and watch,” Basu told B&E.

Well, the new state policy of UP is here, and whatever happens, it is almost certain now that this move by Mayawati will force the Centre to adopt a more farmer-friendly policy for acquiring land. Will this tussle between governments eventually translate into better models that work in favour of the farmers? We hope so.
 

Much Ado About Nothing?

The IA-AI merger does not seem to be working. And strikes at Air India are making matters worse. Worse – no party seems to be getting much out of the strikes. What’s there to gain from all the melodrama? 

As if accumulated losses of over $3 billion was not enough for India’s ailing nationalised carrier, the Air India (AI) management found itself on a sticky wicket yet again, after over 800 pilots (who belonged to the erstwhile Indian Airlines) went on strike from midnight April 27, 2011. Neither is this the first time in 12 months that such a situation has come to cause discomfort to Air India passengers (it was last May when about 25,000 employees went on a flash strike), nor is this the first time that the management of the airline has faced questions over wage inequalities. Only this time, it just got bigger and worse. The strike lasted 10 days, and towards the end of the strike period, on May 6, 2011, flight cancellations had risen to about 90%. And how much of a loss did the airline incur? Between Rs.1.5 billion to Rs.2 billion. But everybody knows. This scenario which has “again” occurred due to mismanagement by those at the helm of affairs at AI, is not a new sight. One more strike, one more submission by the government, and perhaps thousands of customers lost forever. Only, this fact is not official.

The merger of the erstwhile Indian Airlines with AI was undertaken on May 1, 2007, with the view to make the airline more profitable and efficient. It was felt during that time that combining the two state-run firms into a single entity would provide an opportunity to leverage combined assets to build a stronger, more sustainable business to fight the ever-rising competition and price wars in the sector. Four years since the merger (and two years after the integration has been completed), contrary to expectations, the Air India flight has failed to take off. Historically, mergers in the aviation sector have failed because the management could not or did not put in place a people integration strategy before the single operational licence date (which happens 18 months after the merger is signed). The AI case is a reflection of the failed US Airways and AmericaWest merger, in whose case, today, even 6 years later, the carriers are today operated uniquely by two different pilot groups. One merger, two ideologies? Doesn’t work. Also, you cannot have labour issues if you want a successful merger.

Air India topped the list of biggest State-owned loss-making firms for FY2009-10, according to a February 2011 survey titled, Public Enterprises Survey, conducted by a Government of India agency. And such strikes will not help alter such findings. It will also damage its market share, which is already getting slimmer with budget and private carriers enjoying greater patronage from the fliers. Surely, for the month of April and May 2011, the strike will impact the carrier’s share. [The airline currently has a 17% domestic market share, compared to Jet’s 26% & Kingfisher’s 18%.] As per DGCA, AI, which operates 320 flights daily to domestic & international destinations, cancelled a total of 1,470 flights during the strike days. Cancelled flights mean doubly-lost opportunity, because not only are you letting go of customers, you are actually sending them to competitors!

In a rather unusual response to the situation, Arvind Jadhav, CMD of Air India, decided to put the blame on his predecessors and the political leadership. Yes, he does not deserve all the blame for the situation in which AI finds itself today. But he is also no new guest to the party. The day the strike was called off, he had completed 2 years & 2 days as the top guy for the job to turn around AI. Are we to understand that all this while, for the past two years, he could not hear a single voice of request from the end of the Indian Commercial Pilots Association (ICPA; a body that represents the pilots of the erstwhile IA)?

Truth is – for the past four years, AI has been virtually sleeping over ICPA’s demands. Since May 1, 2007 – when the IA & AI merger was signed, and the National Aviation Company of India Ltd., NACIL was born – pilots of the erstwhile IA have been pleading for pay parity. According to the Chief Labour Commissioner’s (CLC) report on the failure of the reconciliation talks that led to the ongoing pilots’ strike, the airline management turned down the pilots’ demand for fixed flying hours and layover allowance. ICPA had demanded a fixed allowance for 75 flying hours a month and also sought a monthly layover allowance, which covers expenses incurred by a pilot in a foreign city between flights, of $1,600 for commanders and $1,300 for co-pilots for operating international flights. “The ICPA representative stated that despite giving repeated assurances, commitments to the union and CLC in past proceedings with definite deadlines, the management has repeatedly failed to present any concrete proposal on pay parity [with colleagues in the pre-merger AI],” the report said. In fact, the ICPA General Secretary Rishabh Kapur has claimed that AI is not actually making losses and demanded a CBI enquiry into what he called were corruption cases in the airline. [He may be right. But actually, airlines around the world made total losses of $9 billion in 2009 and another $2.8 billion in 2010 (as per IATA)]. ICPA leaders have also alleged that the AI management wants it to go belly up so that its huge assets can be sold at dirt prices. Whatever be the excuses, the allegations & the cross-allegations – truth is, mismanagement at AI is not a fact unknown. Illogical expansions, an untimely merger (just before the downturn), a book of account saddled with debt of Rs.400 billion & Rs.130 billion in accumulated losses – these are “big” signs of trouble.

The fact that the Delhi High Court was forced to intervene (it gave an order to the pilots to withdraw the strike, and also issued contempt notices upon non-compliance), is proof enough that the strike did put the flying public through great inconvenience. Where AI however deserves praise is the manner in which it firmly handled the pilot’s union. It initially derecognised the union for causing the disruption in service and fired its nine leaders from service (six were sacked on April 27 and three more by April 30). It was probably for the first time that the AI management took a sensible decision. But the government’s action spoilt the game. As per company sources, the AI management gave in only after the civil aviation ministry intervened. On May 3, 2011, Civil Aviation Minister Vayalar Ravi had said, “If the agitating pilots of Air India call off their strike, the airline management will take back the pilots who were terminated.” So were they taken back? Yes. But besides taking the trouble makers back, even their union was re-recognised.

We should note here that these pilots are not your illiterate daily-wagers who have the right to strike. They are a set of well-paid professionals who were angry because their bankrupt company was not overpaying them like some other professionals. There is also a larger question on whether pilots can be considered to be workmen and have the right to strike. Perhaps, we are talking of ethics here – a word which does not find a place in AI’s handbook.

So, after all this drama, there is nothing that has come out of the strike. The de-recognised unions were re-recognised, the sacked pilots were reinstated and the government promised to look into the pilots’ demands through the Dharmadhikari Committee which will submit its report in the next five months (which in any case, it was going to). Who will be held accountable for the losses and the customers lost? No one. Can the ministry guarantee that such an agitation will not get repeated? No. Was the High Court diktat followed? Not in the least. Does not the Civil Aviation Ministry understand that it is the Indian tax payers’ money that is being wasted through the highly inefficient organisation called Air India? Perhaps yes. But it doesn’t make a difference to them as till now, not many are making a connect between the massive wastage of national resources and Air India. What needs to be done now is a critical review of whether Air India should be continued or be simply sold off to the best bidder. There is no way that the Indian tax payers’ money should be thrown away anymore to benefit one of the worst benchmarks in the global aviation industry. 

BRICs: REAL NAME, VIRTUAL OPTIMISM

Why it is not easy for The BRIC bloc to beat the West

For many years now, the BRICs have been known as a consortium that was predicted to overtake the economic might of the developed nations. But there are issues which put doubts on the very Viability, the Workability and the long-term effectiveness of this ambitious bloc.
Ever since the term BRIC was coined by Goldman Sachs in their Global Economics Paper, ‘Building Better Global Economic BRICs’ in November 2001, it has often been used as a representative of the shift in global economic power from the West (or the developed nations), to the developing nations. More than anything else, the projection of this shift is said to have created a lot of ripples in the international order, and understandably, more so among the developed countries that constitute the industrialised group – the G7.

Economists worldwide have projected BRIC as a powerful bloc of emerging economies. Why not? Combined, the four economies recorded a total GDP (in PPP terms; because economists argue that China’s exchange rate is not determined by market forces, but by fiat currency) of over $18 trillion ($18.34 trillion to be precise; as of CY2010). According to the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the BRICs are set to account for 61% of global growth over the next three years. Even Goldman Sachs, in its report, had argued that since the BRIC countries – which today occupies over 25% of the world’s land and house 40% of the world’s population – are developing rapidly, their combined economies could eclipse the combined economies of the current richest countries of the world by 2050. Brazil, Russia, India & China were set to emerge as the four most dominant economies by 2050 on the basis of their huge economic potential.

But fears abound that the concept of BRICs is just an over hype. While the growth of these economies has been remarkably heartening, thanks to the projections acting as a huge booster for FDIs and FIIs flowing into these countries, there is danger that this coin too, has a flip side. Contrary to the argument that the combined economies of BRIC countries could surpass the world’s richest countries by 2050, the projections, while concealing much detail in terms of the distribution of that growth, are actually based upon mere assumptions and cannot be relied upon. Economists like Vrajlal K. Sapovadia, Director, National Insurance Academy (NIA), Pune, contend that deviation in assumptions, difficulty in assessing qualitative factors, undermining inherent threats like population pressure, illiteracy, corruption, social and political unrest may actually lead to unrealistic forecasts.

The ‘Doing Business 2011’ report by World Bank is an eye-opener. According to this recent report, BRIC economies – when compared with their western counterparts – have actually lost shine over the past year. In the category of ‘Ease of doing business’, of the BRICs, the best ranked is China, at #79 (it was #78 last year). The other three of course occupy three-digit ranks. While Russia stands at #123 (it was #116 in 2010), Brazil comes in at #127 (#124 in 2010) and India at #134 (#135 last year). The developed world is of course far ahead of this lot, with US at #5 and UK at #6. The fact that names like Rwanda, Tonga, Vanuata, Mongolia and others are better off than the BRICs is a hard pill to digest. But true. Even in terms of per capita income and human index ranking, all the BRIC countries are worse off this year than they were in 2010 (and surely worse-off as compared to the developed nations). Digest this: the highest per-capita income amongst the BRICs is held by Russia ($9,622), which is equivalent to 1/5th of that of US’ ($47,576). “In order to make this dream (of a prospering BRIC) a reality, each BRIC country needs to set its own house in order and boost its natural and human resources through proactive management,” says Sapovadia, adding that it is imperative that their hidden strengths and wealth, like agriculture & forest land, water reservoirs and human capital be utilised scientifically before we start comparing these economies with the powerful West.

Many also claim that for all projections regarding the exemplary growth expected by the BRIC economies, the very agenda is actually being pushed by US, to open the floodgates for its products and services into these emerging economies. As interesting as they sound, the veracity of these claims is yet to be ascertained.

There is another theory doing the rounds. Despite the abundance of ‘catch-up growth’ stories in the post-war period, growth starts to disappoint after a while and it is relatively easier to catch up with the leaders as compared to overtaking them. In reference to the robust growth that China has been experiencing in recent years, a recent article in The Economist cited references from a paper by Barry Eichengreen of the University of California, Donghyun Park of the Asian Development Bank (ADB) and Kwanho Shin of Korea University. The paper examines economic records of countries since 1957 to identify potential warning-signs, and contends that it would actually be wise for China to pursue “structural reforms” – which can help cushion the effects of a slowdown – in the current scenario, when it is growing remarkably, than wait for lean years which are bound to come.

India can learn too. Slowdown can hit it faster than expected. With many sectors in the economy already overheating, with scams and corruption plaguing the conduction of clean business, and with lack of proper infrastructure and human development facilities, the country may suddenly find itself struggling to run half as fast as it is now. It can also lose favour in the eyes of the global investors, signs of which are already showing – as per the Ministry of Commerce and Industry, the country has received only $18.35 billion in FDI in the first 11 months leading to February 2011, indicating a y-o-y fall of 25.5%. The current figure also represents the lowest ever, since FDI inflow first crossed the $15 billion mark for the first 11 months of the fiscal year in FY2006-07. So, the state of affairs in India definitely calls for immediate need of improving governance, a robust infrastructure and better provisions of human development (education, health et al). Even the long impending border issues with China need to be sorted out.

No doubt, the economic uprising of the BRICs could (and will) have unexpected negative consequences for the global environment. So, apart from boosting per capita income, the challenge for the emerging economies will be to improve social security and environment – in order to achieve a living standard comparable to that in advanced countries – as well as increase domestic consumer demand and spending in order to balance the fall in global consumption.

The idea here is not to raise doubts over the growth of the BRIC economies. However, the fact remains that the growth is more likely to occur on an individual level and not as a bloc, as the hype created around these economies suggest. The reason lies in the fact that there are no attempts to address key differences within this bloc that are likely to hamper the growth that is expected of these countries as a unit. The factor here is the absence of a strategic alliance or, for that matter, even an attempt to discuss differences between them. There is no denying that a strategic partnership between these strategically located nations, given their socio-political relevance in their regions, will be highly beneficial for the BRIC bloc. However, the absence of a willingness on the part of any of these nations to discuss and resolve aspects of security, territory et al, leaves the consortium looking like a statue which cares little about strong bilateral ties.

The BRIC economies, though on the right track, are truly far from posing any competition, leave apart being a threat to the alliance of the West. Dr. Suvrokamal Dutta, Economic and foreign policy expert comments that as for the viability of the BRIC alternative to the existing unipolar world order controlled and dominated by US, three power blocs could pose a real challenge to the existing world order, both in terms of political hegemony and economic supremacy – BRIC, IBSA (both of these are official now) and the troika consisting of India-China-Russia. “There were several secret meetings held between the foreign ministers of these three nations during the Vajpayee regime and these meetings had created ripples in Washington, which then used the Tibet issue to vitiate ties between India and China,” he says, adding that a major drawback of the forum is the lack of discussion on bilateral issues and issues of strategic, security and military concerns. It is known to all-and-one that at present, members of the bloc, discuss only economic, social and cultural issues; to have real teeth, business, strategic and military ties should be developed and discussed. While the troika proposition will take long to materialise, the need of the hour is to stop addressing BRIC as a competition or threat to the West, and address our internal and external differences as members of the bloc. The downturn has already shown the entire world what our strengths are. It is time now to work on our weaknesses and capitalise on the growth which is here to stay.

It is apparent that a strategic alliance between the member nations of the BRIC, which goes beyond commerce and trade and enters uncharted horizons, including defence – on the lines of say NATO – will not only tilt the balance of power in its favour, it will, in real terms, help them emerge an economic might. The contours of such futuristic thought-process would envisage a bipolar world, wherein the Troika and Brazil have a greater say in strategic issues pertaining to the landmass bordering Arctic Ocean, Atlantic Ocean and the Indian Ocean.

Not only this, the bloc will also benefit from India’s good economic and diplomatic ties with the Middle East nations. If Troika, or for that matter, BRIC is to see itself emerge as a mighty force at par with the present Western Alliance, it has to wake up to reality. How long can you live in a fool’s paradise?

The BPL Blinder

Varying findings of different committee reports, an absolute lack of consensus and the dependence of poverty alleviation schemes on BPL estimates makes its calculation process extremely crucial. And now, despite accepting that 37% of India could be in the BPL category, the government has failed to notify it yet

After a prolonged dilemma over the number of persons falling below poverty line (BPL), the Planning Commission accepted the Suresh Tendulkar Committee report on the scale of poverty in India and found the recommendation regarding a higher number of people being covered under BPL schemes reasonable. Amid confusion and differences over the number of persons falling below poverty line obstructing the proposed legislation on food security in India, the Planning Commission decided to go with the BPL figures contained in the Tendulkar Committee report. With this, the number of people under BPL would rise to 37.2% of the total population (from around 27% earlier) a figure crucial to determine the extent of beneficiaries of government subsidies and the food security bill. However, despite the government having accepted the report in 2010, it is yet to notify the new poverty estimation, which will make the Tendulkar committee figures, though pegged as an underestimate, applicable to all Central government schemes.

The number of BPL people is determined at the national and state-levels by the Planning Commission through large sample survey of consumer expenditure carried out by the National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO), often referred to as available data‘. Going by government definition, BPL is an economic benchmark and poverty threshold used by the government to indicate economic disadvantage and identify individuals and households in need of government assistance and aid. It is determined by using various parameters which vary from state to state and within states as well. But taking into account the Government‘s consistency in providing varying figures about the extent of poverty in India, it is difficult to arrive at an exact figure. The government adopts various measures to reduce poverty – through subsidised kerosene and cheaper grain for the poor population. With the government counting on these schemes to eradicate poverty in India, and the extent of these schemes dependent on the BPL numbers, it becomes increasingly important to adopt a correct methodology to arrive at a realistic figure that can actually serve in the interest of the most vulnerable classes of society where the benefits of government schemes are most required. In the absence of a uniform statistical measure of poverty, it is obvious that the government programmes for poverty alleviation will not prove meaningful.

Uncertainty within the government over actual BPL figures is evident from the varying estimates that different government-appointed committees have tabled. Report of the Saxena Committee, constituted by the Ministry of Rural Development, says that 49.1 % of the population in the country is living below poverty line, and at least 23% of the poor do not possess a ration card, leave aside a BPL card. “The exclusion errors from BPL lists frequently reflect the powerlessness of the most vulnerable and are a direct function of their weak political bargaining power and our inability to include them in state programmes in the last 60 years is a severe indictment of public policy and its implementation,” the Saxena committee has observed.

The latest poverty ratios released by Planning Commission based on 61st round of the National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO) in 2004-5 estimated that 28.3% households in the rural areas were living below poverty line. In contrast to this figure for the same period, the Arjun Sen Gupta Committee constituted by the government for gauging poverty in the unorganised sector the country revealed that more than 77% of people are forced to live on Rs.20 or less per day, which is insufficient even for bare minimum requirements. The panel estimates the number of poor on basis of the National Sample Survey Office’s sample survey of expenditure and fixes state-wise number of poor. Baffled by the different poverty figures, the government has now asked all ministries to only use the planning commission’s figure of 27% in all its communications henceforth.

In line with the government instructions, the Planning Commission has now decided to maintain the state-wise number of BPL families (which decide the extent of schemes run by the state governments) as per NSSO data available, against the usual practice of state governments calculating these numbers. While the rationale behind the decision is still skewed, the Commission is further learnt to have issued a sealing to state governments that the number of BPL families should not exceed a certain estimate. The Parliament’s standing committee on Finance, headed by former Finance minister Yashwant Sinha has sent a serious note to the commission objecting the government’s move. The committee has also said that the number of BPL families should be decided by the state governments as it is primarily their job. Expressing apprehensions over differences between the Centre and states over population of Below Poverty Line (BPL) families and discrepancies in the existing BPL lists, Sinha has also cautioned the government against rolling out the proposed food guarantee law without resolving all the issues related to BPL population in the country. While urging the government to sort out all the issues relating to poverty criteria, estimation, identification and targeting before finalising the Food Security Bill, the Committee underlined that it was “concerned about the efficacy of the proposed Food Security Bill when the criteria of identification of the poor remains nebulous”. The standing committee has also noted that various expert groups have indicated different aspects of poverty based on different assumptions and context.

If we consider the United Nations data, 220 million people in India suffer from hunger and the prevalence of hunger is found in all age groups ranging from infants to old. Food production has been going down, food imports are rising and food insecurity is on rise. Whereas, per capita availability of foodgrains was 190 kilogram per person per annum in 1979-80,it declined to only 186 kilogram in 2004-05. The Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI), calculated by the Human Development Report Office of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), that looks beyond income at a wider range of household-level deprivation, including services, which could then be used to help target development resources, throw up stark statistics compared to regular poverty measures. The study has found that half of the world’s MPI poor people live in South Asia, and just over a quarter in Africa. There are 421 million MPI poor people in 8 Indian states alone – Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal – as compared to 410 million in the 26 poorest African countries combined.

While clarity over the extent of poverty has always been a matter of debate, in a recent development, the entire process of the manner in which the poor are counted in India is under a legal scrutiny. The Supreme Court has asked the government to prove the efficacy of the BPL survey to be held in June this year, if all the poor identified fail to get government benefit. The court has asked the government to give reasons behind the Planning Commission putting up a cap on the number of poor in India, which many believe is unrealistic. The existing conflict between the Centre and states over who decides the number of poor is more of a political battle for an upper hand when it comes to taking credit for the impact of a welfare measure.

However, a scenario such as this calls for further introspection before the concerned parties quarrel over committee reports. Before deliberating upon the contours of who the government would recognise as ‘poor’, there has to be a consensus and stricter vigilance to ensure that the existing welfare measures are reaching the actual needy.

Of all the issues in power generation

The Electricity Act, 2003, was aimed to consolidate and replace several existing legislations on electricity. But 8 years down the road, the lack of consensus between states and the Centre threatens the very purpose of the legislation.

With effect from June 2, 2003, India adopted a new legislation called the National Electricity Act, 2003 (NEA), which replaced some archaic laws on electricity operations in the country. Among various other contours, the new Act consolidated the position of existing laws and also aimed to provide for conducive measures for developing the industry in the country. The Act was an attempt to address issues that had either prevented or impeded the reform process in India, thus generating a new hope in the electricity industry.

Before the government enforced NEA, the electricity sector in India was basically guided by The Indian Electricity Act, 1910 and The Electricity (Supply) Act, 1948, with generation, distribution and transmission of electricity being mainly carried out by state electricity boards. After the enactment of the Electricity Regulatory Commissions Act in 1988, when cross subsidies reached unsustainable levels, the government brought out the new legislation in 2003 to encourage the participation of the private sector, to bring in competition and also to distance state governments from tariff determination. The Act delicensed power generation completely (except for hydro power projects over a certain size), de-licensed distribution in rural areas and brought in a licensing regime for distribution in urban areas.

However, despite so many positives mooted in favour of the new legislation, the scenario of electricity in India is still marked by protests, burning effigies and ransacking of local electricity distribution authority premises. Coupled with the rising mercury and water scarcity, the people’s anger against long power cuts in places like Bihar turned volatile in many parts of the state some days back, with angry residents blocking roads, burning rubber tyres and ransacking electricity board offices, police said. But strangely enough, according to the latest data from Central Electricity Regulatory Commission (CERC), India’s installed capacity has risen to 170.23 GW, as on January, 31, 2011. The target for cumulative generation capacity addition for the 11th five-year plan (2007-08 to 2011-12) has been revised to 62 GW. Even with the projected average addition of over 12 GW every year during the 11th Plan, about 10 GW of peak shortage has been projected for March, 2012. Additionally, over 19,800 million units of shortage is expected for March, 2012.

However, considering the demand for electricity in India, there is no doubt that India offers tremendous scope for the sector. Undoubtedly, the intent of the Centre has been to bring conducive reform processes for the power sector in India. But then, it has also been a historically established fact that India has always failed to meet its power sector targets by a significant margin and the power sector continues to be affected by the shortfall, both on the generation and transmission sides. While the reforms intended through the Act were a good start, the real problem with the dismal scenario of electricity in India, like several other schemes doled out by the Centre, has been in its implementation. The failure of government initiatives, in this case, is largely based on the gaps in delivery, which is caused by the differences between the Centre and state governments to reach to an agreement on crucial issues pertaining to the Act.

As per the Indian Constitution, the power sector is a concurrent subject and is the joint responsibility of the State and Central Governments. The power sector in India is dominated by the government, with the states and central government sectors accounting for 58% and 32% of the generation capacity respectively, while the private sector accounts for about 10%. The private sector, which was expected to boost its participation exponentially, has a small but growing presence in distribution and is now slowly making an entry into transmission. Problems with land acquisition, the inability of most new entrants to secure fuel linkages for existing and planned power projects and delays in getting environmental clearances have all led to frustrating delays in projects getting off the ground. Liberalisation in power generation, a provision under the Electricity Act, was expected to provide a much-needed efficiency boost to the private sector, which unfortunately could not happen. Even as the private sector is undeniably affected by these problems, an equally daunting shortcoming is in project execution capability. This weakness is reflected most visibly in the inability to mobilise the labour and capital needed to execute projects in a timely manner. The shortage of a skilled workforce has also emerged as a major constraint for infrastructure growth. The saga of the Ratnagiri Gas and Power plant in Maharashtra, and the erstwhile Enron project, which is yet to begin running at full capacity almost 15 years after it was built, goes on to prove that the country’s power sector reforms, mandated by the Electricity Act of 2003, have done little to alleviate the chronic shortage of power.

Formulation of the tariff policy has also been an aspect that had already led to a lot of litigation and confusion under the earlier regime. In a bid to overcome these confrontations, NEA placed the responsibility of formulating the tariff policy on the Central government, something that few state governments have fiercely contested making the implementation of the reforms practically impossible. In an exclusive conversation with B&E, K. C. Venugopal, Minister of State for Power, says that one of the hurdles in the implementation stage of the Act was the concerns pertaining to the financial viability of Discoms and persisting problems. “Some states invoked Section 11 of Electricity Act to disallow open access to the generators within the state. As per the Electricity Act 2003, Section 11 is meant to be invoked only in extraordinary circumstances like threat to security of state, public order, natural calamity et al. and is not meant to restrict open access.” Moreover, as per the Act, only 16 states in India have officially notified what constitutes as ‘rural areas’ and therefore the rural distribution, where the implementation of the Act is crucial, is yet to be freed up in nearly 33% of India.

Experts, however, are not impressed with the lack of coordination and consensus between the Centre and state governments in the electricity sector. Observes senior economic analyst Suvrokamal Dutta. “NEA is a step in the right direction, but implementation hurdles caused by a lack of consensus has slowed things down. The way ahead can only be positive if the control over all forms of energy remains with the Central government.”

The inability of the domestic power sector to leverage the considerable latitude provided by the landmark Electricity Act (2003) is well-documented. However, the Power ministry had pegged adding 100,000 MW of electricity during the 12th five-year plan, a projection which skeptics, along with the Union Environment minister Jairam Ramesh, termed ‘impractical’. The target was later revised to 62,374 MW. However, the ministry now hopes to add over 20,000 MW of power during FY 2012. But, a close look at the data suggests that a significant portion of that 20,000 MW is from projects that should have come on stream long ago. The cumulative generating capacity that was to be added in the 11th and 12th plans is 178,000 MW. Given the shortfall in the 11th plan, approximately 128,000 MW is needed during the 12th plan only to be at par. With India’s population growing at a phenomenal rate and economy poised for some serious growth, India’s need for electricity has never been greater. A coordinated plan to mitigate the problem of skills shortage and inadequate project implementation capability, using foreign (including Chinese) capital and skilled manpower if necessary, should be on top of the agenda for the government if we plan to improve the power scenario in the country.

Are we waiting for another Kargil ??

After functioning in the shadows for decades – with zero accountability and budgets that kept increasing without any audit – it’s for the first time in India that the Parliament will debate the constitutional validity, efficacy & oversight mechanisms of India’s Intelligence community.

Despite the Constitution mandating, in its seventh schedule, that a central intelligence bureau be created only by an act of Parliament, no government in India has ever introduced a bill to be passed as an Act, thus creating a major anomaly in the functioning of intelligence agencies in the country. The charter, powers, duties and functioning of these agencies have also never been mandated by Parliament.

However, recurring incidences of intelligence failures in avoiding terrorist attacks and protecting the corresponding loss of innocent lives and national wealth has attracted some staunch criticism for the intelligence community in recent past. Thus, aimed at providing a legal framework of internal and external intelligence agencies, regulating the functioning and the use of powers by Indian Intelligence agencies, both within and outside India, and to provide for coordination, control and oversight of these agencies, senior Congress leader and Member of Parliament (MP) Manish Tewari has introduced a Bill titled “The Intelligence Services (Powers and Regulation) Bill, 2011”, in the recently concluded Budget Session of the Parliament. The Bill, if it gets through, claims to provide a clear framework to regulate the manner of functioning and the exercise of powers of Indian intelligence agencies.

With a strong belief that a legislation is imperative for empowering the intelligence agencies to equip them with the tools and resources necessary to address present day challenges and regulating the possible infringement of privacy of citizens, while giving credence to security concerns, the Bill, introduced by Tewari, also a senior Supreme Court lawyer, seeks to enact a legislation pursuant to Entry 8 of List I of the Seventh Schedule of the Constitution of India. If approved, the Bill would provide for “a legislative and regulatory framework for the Intelligence Bureau (IB), the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) and the National Technical Research Organisation (NTRO); a National Intelligence Tribunal for the investigation of complaints against these agencies; a National Intelligence and Security Oversight Committee for an effective oversight mechanism of these agencies; and an Intelligence Ombudsman for efficient functioning of the agencies and for matters connected therewith.” The proposed reforms in India’s intelligence structure are based on Observer Research Foundation’s (ORF) year-long study guided by Tewari, who is also an advisor to ORF.

The need for the Bill, says Tewari, is based on the concern that organisations which are tasked with the responsibility of preserving and protecting national security (which by influence or corollary gives them the authority of life and liberty) need to be put on a proper legal footing. Tewari has contested that India’s central intelligence agencies – IB, RAW, NTRO – have no constitutional validity as they have not been created through an Act of the Parliament. “In response to a question on the legal architecture from which the IB draws its legal authority, the government responded saying that the Intelligence Bureau figures in Schedule 7 of the Constitution under the Union List. So, the government has the legislative power to create a bureau of intelligence to be called by whatever name and the mere mention of a subject in the laundry list of legislative powers gives neither life nor legitimacy to an organisation. The same goes for RAW. The government has already admitted that there is no specific statute governing the functions and mandate of RAW,” Tewari tells B&E. D. C. Nath, former IB Special Director and a member of the team that drafted the Bill, believes that a one-point answer to all problems related to intelligence in India lies in the understanding of intelligence, most importantly by bureaucrats and politicians. “While talking of intelligence, all that Chidambaram can talk about is the NCTC. However, there are many forms of intelligence – political, military, business, et al. Thus, there has to be a proper understanding and coordination. An acceptance of the primacy of intelligence in day to day functioning is very vital. There also has to be one Head of all these agencies,” says Nath while adding that the openness in the IB functioning is important to help understand and promote transparency.

The need for a legislation to regulate the functioning of India’s intelligence communities is also based on the fact that these agencies have been mired in several controversies ranging from appointments of its chiefs to illegal acts of detention, beatings and an allegedly guided emphasis on gathering political intelligence, which, apart from other negative aspects, certainly damages the integrity of intelligence professionals who prefer their core responsibilities rather than following the contrivances of the political party in power.

Strategic Analyst and another drafting committee member Commander Uday Bhaskar says that the Bill has been long overdue. “Ever since the intelligence failure leading to the Kargil war in 1999, there has been a need to revamp the intelligence structure. There has to be an objective overview of how intelligence agencies operate and the Bill is a commendable attempt in this direction. However, it needs to be reviewed in several areas,” Bhaskar tells B&E. Despite India having been an independent nation for sixty three years now, there has not been one attempt by any government so far to legislate the governance of a sector which should ideally have maximum accountability. Even the UK, from which India inherited its systems of governance and laws, has moved on and passed three Acts of Parliament between 1989 and 2000 to create and oversee its intelligence agencies. In fact, there are currently over 170 countries across the world which have some form of parliamentary control, sanction or mandate for their intelligence agencies.

The Bill stipulates that the day-to-day operation of the RAW shall be vested in an officer not below the rank of a Secretary to the Government of India, appointed by the Prime Minister, with a tenure of two years or until the age of 62. It also stipulates that the IB shall function under the control of the PM and it shall be the duty of the IB to work for national security in the context of internal conflict and, in particular, provide protection against threats from espionage, terrorist acts organised by other countries within the territory of India with the help of Indian nationals or residents and from actions intended to subvert the Constitution of India by violent means. The Bill further proposes that the NTRO (raised in the aftermath of the Kargil war), shall function under the control of the PM and the Central government shall, in consultation with the National Intelligence & Security Oversight Committee, appoint an Intelligence Ombudsman from amongst persons having special knowledge in the field of intelligence to address the grievance of the members of staff and officers of the RAW, the IB and the NTRO.

The NTRO, which gathers technical intelligence using an array of radars and antennae on the lines of the US National Security Agency (NSA), has been dogged by a series of controversies of late. It also has the dubious distinction of becoming the first intelligence agency in independent India to face a hostile audit by the CAG. As per the new Bill, the day-to-day operation of the NTRO shall be vested in a Chairman who shall be appointed by the PM and shall hold office for a period of two years or attaining the age of 62 years.

The Bill further states that the Committee shall, unless it is necessary to perform the functions assigned to it under the Act, not go into the operational aspects and sources of intelligence of the functioning of the RAW, IB and NTRO, as the case may be. The Bill also envisages establishing a tribunal to be known as the National Intelligence Tribunal, under the chairmanship of a sitting or retired Supreme Court judge, for the purpose of investigating complaints against RAW, IB or NTRO.

Given the rising number of terrorist attacks hitting India in recent years, the propositions of the Intelligence Bill do seem relevant, especially if we look at the absence of a regulatory mechanism and an absolute lack of accountability & procedure. However, it is also a fact that there is not a single instance in the history of the Indian Parliament where a private member’s Bill has been legislated into an Act.

Wings for Sale !!

Basic medical facilities may not be available to all in India, but a job as a pilot, well, as recent developments expose, is not very difficult to get if you have a thick wallet.

In its latest breakthrough, the Crime Branch of the Delhi Police, investigating the case of Airline Transport Pilot Licences (ATPLs) and Commercial Pilot Licences (CPLs) in wake of the furore over issuance of fake pilot licences, on April 6, arrested two more officials of the Directorate General of Civil Aviation (DGCA), exposing the rot in a system that has long been known to be an exclusive premise of the high and mighty. It is quite evident now that it was impossible to work the system without the help of DGCA insiders. The point gathers weight as out of a total of thirteen individuals arrested in this regard so far, three are DGCA officials.

The DGCA has been known to dole out favours and change regulations to suit airlines and the siblings of senior ministry officials, and it had all been smooth sailing for the fraudsters until IndiGo pilot Parminder Kaur Gulati landed on the nose wheel of her plane at the Goa airport, though not for the first time. Investigations into Gulati’s faulty landing in January revealed that she had obtained her licence based on a fake marksheet. Further probe revealed that Passi’s daughter Garima, a pilot with SpiceJet, had also obtained her licence through a fake marksheet, allegedly with her father’s assistance. DGCA Assistant Director Pradeep Kumar in the licensing department and R. K. Passi, Director, Safety, DGCA, are among those in the Crime Branch net for allegedly assisting touts, mostly comprising of flying school instructors in Madhya Pradesh and Ahmedabad, to obtain pilot licences using forged documents.

Furthermore, former DGCA chief and now Secretary, Ministry of Civil Aviation, S. N. A Zaidi’s son was employed with Jet Airways. The son of R. P. Sahi, Joint Director General, DGCA, was also a Jet Airways employee. Deputy Director-General A. K. Sharan’s daughter worked for IndiGo Airlines. Director, Air Transport, Lalit Gupta’s daughter handled revenue management for IndiGo. Chief Flight Operations Inspector Capt. H. Y. Samant’s daughter also worked for a private carrier.

“Unlike previous instances where we were unsure whether the DGCA Assistant Director knew that he was pushing for licences based on doctored marksheets, in this case, both the DGCA officials were fully aware that they were using fake marksheets. Thus, while only Rs.25,000 was charged by Kumar to expedite the process of issuing these fake licences, the duo arrested by us charged Rs.4.50 lakh from the tout operating from Ahmedabad,” DCP (Crime) Ashok Chand told B&E. The three pilots currently in the dock include Capt. Swaran Singh Talwar of MDLR Airlines, Capt Meenakshi Singhal of Indigo Airlines and Capt. J. K. Verma of Air India.

In the meantime, the Government was also quick in its display of action against those linked to the fake pilot licence scam and set up an independent committee for the scrutiny of all 4,500 ATPLs, 10,000 CPL licences along with an audit of the 40-odd flying schools in the country. While Union Minister for Civil Aviation Vayalar Ravi says the Government will not spare anyone found guilty, experts say that there is an urgent need to overhaul processes within the DGCA. Before we delve into the intricacies over how the system can be manipulated to suit a privileged few, here is a quick look into the pilot licence racket and how it operates.

To qualify for a CPL, which is issued by flying schools, a candidate needs to register a minimum of 200 hours of flying. Flying schools, however, have been found to issue licences just after 40-50 hours of flying for consideration. The process also mandates that the CPL has to be verified by the DGCA. However, with no audit in place to see whether flying schools are sticking to the prescribed norms, the process can be easily manipulated. Furthermore, ATPLs, a pre-requisite for a pilot to become a commander, can be procedurally obtained after clearing a written test conducted by the DGCA. However, according to reliable sources in the aviation sector, results can be tampered through touts and DGCA officials at an estimated cost of Rs.5-12 lakh. Similarly, for a job in an airline, middlemen are contacted through senior pilots and the cost of landing a job could vary anywhere between Rs.15-25 lakh.

One of the biggest reasons that experts attribute to the dismal state of the aviation sector in India lies in the way the process of examinations and issuing licences can be manipulated across levels. Maintaining that there is a robust system – section 31(d) of the Aircraft rules – that provides for stringent measures against fraudulent means, Kanu Gohain, former DGCA chief tells B&E, “There has to be a renewed focus on stricter vigilance, intelligence gathering and a thorough background screening mechanism. Full computerisation of processes is one option that the government should ideally be looking at.”

Agrees Rishabh Kapur, Secretary General of the Indian Commercial Pilots Association (ICPA). “The best way forward towards ensuring transparency in the process is to minimise human intervention,” he says. When asked about the reasons that encourages aspirants towards such fraudulent means, he raises a different concern. “In India, there are only four pilot examinations conducted in a year as compared to five times a week in the US and UK. The current curriculum is also outdated. All this is leading fresh pass-outs towards unethical means. I am not endorsing what they (the alleged fraudsters) have done, but the process practically leaves them with no choice,” says Rishabh. Some experts feel that India’s aviation regulator needs to probe all pilot licences issued 2004 onwards, i.e. during the aviation industry’s boom period. The demand gains ground as for a significant period of 2005-09, the DGCA also did away with the need to pass Physics and Mathematics in Class XII for a CPL. Interestingly, between 2004 and 2009, there was a horde of co-pilots aged 23-25 who were made commanders.

With all the major airlines and regulators having either neglected or turned a blind eye towards this decline in the safety standards, what we can derive from the entire fiasco is that the accountability for the negligence needs to be fixed right from the Ministry of Civil Aviation to the DGCA. However, with the Civil Aviation Ministry’s dismal track record of bringing the accountable to book and the involvement of top government officials in the scam, the future looks uncertain. So, till the time we have safer skies, which is only likely after a genuine and thorough overhaul of the regulatory authorities, here’s wishing all the luck to all you frequent fliers.